The Project Gutenberg eBook of Common Sense, by Thomas Paine

Published：2026-07-29 22:56:08 Source: educational montessori toys for 2 year olds Author: Magnetic Tiles

COMMON SENSE;

addressed to the

INHABITANTS

of

AMERICA,word games for road trips

On the following interesting

SUBJECTS

1. Of the Origin and Design of Government in general,
   with concise Remarks on the English Constitution.
2. Of Monarchy and Hereditary Succession
3. Thoughts on the present State of American Affairs
4. Of the present Ability of America, with some
   miscellaneous Reflections

A new edition, with several additions in the body of the work. To which is added an appendix; together with an address to the people called Quakers.

Man knows no Master save creating Heaven
Or those whom choice and common good ordain.

Thomson.

PHILADELPHIA

Printed and sold by W. & T. Bradford, February 14, 1776.

MDCCLXXVI

Common Sense

By Thomas Paine

INTRODUCTION.

Perhaps the sentiments contained in the following pages, are not yetsufficiently fashionable to procure them general favor; a long habit of not thinking a thing wrong, gives it a superficial appearance of being right, and raises at first a formidable outcry in defense of custom. But the tumult soon subsides. Time makes more converts than reason.

2As a long and violent abuse of power, is generally the Means of callingthe right of it in question (and in Matters too which might never havebeen thought of, had not the Sufferers been aggravated into theinquiry) and as the King of England hath undertaken in his own Right,to support the Parliament in what he calls Theirs, and as the goodpeople of this country are grievously oppressed by the combination,they have an undoubted privilege to inquire into the pretensions ofboth, and equally to reject the usurpation of either.

3In the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided every thingwhich is personal among ourselves. Compliments as well as censure toindividuals make no part thereof. The wise, and the worthy, need notthe triumph of a pamphlet; and those whose sentiments are injudicious,or unfriendly, will cease of themselves unless too much pains arebestowed upon their conversion.

4The cause of America is in a great measure the cause of all mankind.Many circumstances hath, and will arise, which are not local, butuniversal, and through which the principles of all Lovers of Mankindare affected, and in the Event of which, their Affections areinterested. The laying a Country desolate with Fire and Sword,declaring War against the natural rights of all Mankind, andextirpating the Defenders thereof from the Face of the Earth, is theConcern of every Man to whom Nature hath given the Power of feeling; ofwhich Class, regardless of Party Censure, is the

AUTHOR

P.S. The Publication of this new Edition hath been delayed, with aView of taking notice (had it been necessary) of any Attempt to refutethe Doctrine of Independance: As no Answer hath yet appeared, it is nowpresumed that none will, the Time needful for getting such aPerformance ready for the Public being considerably past.

Who the Author of this Production is, is wholly unnecessary to thePublic, as the Object for Attention is the Doctrine itself, not theMan. Yet it may not be unnecessary to say, That he is unconnected withany Party, and under no sort of Influence public or private, but theinfluence of reason and principle.

Philadelphia, February 14, 1776

OF THE ORIGIN AND DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL,
WITH CONCISE REMARKS ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION.

Some writers have so confounded society with government, as to leave little or no distinction between them; whereas they are not only different, but have different origins. Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness; the former promotes our happiness positivelyby uniting our affections, the latter negativelyby restraining our vices. The one encourages intercourse, the other creates distinctions. The first a patron, the last a punisher.

6Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its beststate is but a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable one;for when we suffer, or are exposed to the same miseries by a government, which we might expect in a country without government, our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer. Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of paradise. For were the impulses of conscience clear, uniform, and irresistibly obeyed, man would need no other lawgiver; but that not being the case, he finds it necessary to surrender up a part of his property to furnish means for the protection of the rest; and this he is induced to do by the same prudence which in every other case advises him out of two evils to choose the least. Wherefore, security being the true design and end of government, it unanswerably follows that whatever formthereof appears most likely to ensure it to us, with the least expence and greatest benefit, is preferable to all others.

7In order to gain a clear and just idea of the design and end ofgovernment, let us suppose a small number of persons settled in somesequestered part of the earth, unconnected with the rest, they willthen represent the first peopling of any country, or of the world. Inthis state of natural liberty, society will be their first thought. Athousand motives will excite them thereto, the strength of one man isso unequal to his wants, and his mind so unfitted for perpetualsolitude, that he is soon obliged to seek assistance and relief ofanother, who in his turn requires the same. Four or five united wouldbe able to raise a tolerable dwelling in the midst of a wilderness, butoneman might labour out of the common period of life withoutaccomplishing any thing; when he had felled his timber he could notremove it, nor erect it after it was removed; hunger in the mean timewould urge him from his work, and every different want call him adifferent way. Disease, nay even misfortune would be death, for thoughneither might be mortal, yet either would disable him from living, andreduce him to a state in which he might rather be said to perish thanto die.

8Thus necessity, like a gravitating power, would soon form our newlyarrived emigrants into society, the reciprocal blessings of which,would supersede, and render the obligations of law and governmentunnecessary while they remained perfectly just to each other; but asnothing but heaven is impregnable to vice, it will unavoidably happen,that in proportion as they surmount the first difficulties ofemigration, which bound them together in a common cause, they willbegin to relax in their duty and attachment to each other; and thisremissness, will point out the necessity, of establishing some form ofgovernment to supply the defect of moral virtue.

9Some convenient tree will afford them a State-House, under the branchesof which, the whole colony may assemble to deliberate on publicmatters. It is more than probable that their first laws will have thetitle only of Regulations, and be enforced by no other penalty than public disesteem. In this first parliament every man, by natural right, will have a seat.

10But as the colony increases, the public concerns will increaselikewise, and the distance at which the members may be separated, willrender it too inconvenient for all of them to meet on every occasion asat first, when their number was small, their habitations near, and thepublic concerns few and trifling. This will point out the convenienceof their consenting to leave the legislative part to be managed by aselect number chosen from the whole body, who are supposed to have thesame concerns at stake which those who appointed them, and who will actin the same manner as the whole body would act were they present. Ifthe colony continue increasing, it will become necessary to augmentthe number of the representatives, and that the interest of every partof the colony may be attended to, it will be found best to divide thewhole into convenient parts, each part sending its proper number; andthat the electedmight never form to themselves an interest separate from the electors, prudence will point out the propriety of having elections often; because as the electedmight by that means return and mix again with the general body of the electorsin a few months, their fidelity to the public will be secured by the prudent reflexion of not making a rod for themselves. And as this frequent interchange will establish a common interest with every part of the community, they will mutually and naturally support each other, and on this (not on the unmeaning name of king) depends the strength of government, and the happiness of the governed.

11Here then is the origin and rise of government; namely, a mode renderednecessary by the inability of moral virtue to govern the world; heretoo is the design and end of government, viz. freedom and security.And however our eyes may be dazzled with show, or our ears deceived bysound; however prejudice may warp our wills, or interest darken ourunderstanding, the simple voice of nature and of reason will say, it isright.

12I draw my idea of the form of government from a principle in nature,which no art can overturn, viz. that the more simple any thing is, theless liable it is to be disordered; and the easier repaired whendisordered; and with this maxim in view, I offer a few remarks on theso much boasted constitution of England. That it was noble for thedark and slavish times in which it was erected, is granted. When theworld was over run with tyranny the least remove therefrom was aglorious rescue. But that it is imperfect, subject to convulsions, andincapable of producing what it seems to promise, is easily demonstrated.

13Absolute governments (tho’ the disgrace of human nature) have thisadvantage with them, that they are simple; if the people suffer, theyknow the head from which their suffering springs, know likewise theremedy, and are not bewildered by a variety of causes and cures. Butthe constitution of England is so exceedingly complex, that the nationmay suffer for years together without being able to discover in whichpart the fault lies, some will say in one and some in another, andevery political physician will advise a different medicine.

14I know it is difficult to get over local or long standing prejudices,yet if we will suffer ourselves to examine the component parts of theEnglish constitution, we shall find them to be the base remains of twoancient tyrannies, compounded with some new republican materials.

15First.—The remains of monarchical tyranny in the person of the king.

16Secondly.—The remains of aristocratical tyranny in thepersons of the peers.

17Thirdly.—The new republican materials, in the persons of the commons, on whose virtue depends the freedom of England.

18The two first, by being hereditary, are independent of the people;wherefore in a constitutional sensethey contribute nothing towards the freedom of the state.

19To say that the constitution of England is a unionof three powers reciprocally checkingeach other, is farcical, either the words have no meaning, or they are flat contradictions.

20To say that the commons is a check upon the king, presupposes twothings:

21First.—That the king is not to be trusted without being looked after, or in other words, that a thirst for absolute power is the natural disease of monarchy.

22Secondly.—That the commons, by being appointed for that purpose, are either wiser or more worthy of confidence than the crown.

23But as the same constitution which gives the commons a power to checkthe king by withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the king a powerto check the commons, by empowering him to reject their other bills; itagain supposes that the king is wiser than those whom it has alreadysupposed to be wiser than him. A mere absurdity!

24There is something exceedingly ridiculous in the composition ofmonarchy; it first excludes a man from the means of information, yetempowers him to act in cases where the highest judgment is required.The state of a king shuts him from the world, yet the business of aking requires him to know it thoroughly; wherefore the different parts,by unnaturally opposing and destroying each other, prove the wholecharacter to be absurd and useless.

25Some writers have explained the English constitution thus; the king,say they, is one, the people another; the peers are an house in behalfof the king; the commons in behalf of the people; but this hath all thedistinctions of a house divided against itself; and though theexpressions be pleasantly arranged, yet when examined they appear idleand ambiguous; and it will always happen, that the nicest constructionthat words are capable of, when applied to the description of something which either cannot exist, or is too incomprehensible to bewithin the compass of description, will be words of sound only, andthough they may amuse the ear, they cannot inform the mind, for thisexplanation includes a previous question, viz. How came the kingby a power which the people are afraid to trust, and always obliged tocheck?Such a power could not be the gift of a wise people, neithercan any power, which needs checking, be from God; yet the provision, which the constitution makes, supposes such a power to exist.

26But the provision is unequal to the task; the means either cannot orwill not accomplish the end, and the whole affair is a felo de se; foras the greater weight will always carry up the less, and as all thewheels of a machine are put in motion by one, it only remains to knowwhich power in the constitution has the most weight, for that willgovern; and though the others, or a part of them, may clog, or, as thephrase is, check the rapidity of its motion, yet so long as they cannotstop it, their endeavors will be ineffectual; the first moving powerwill at last have its way, and what it wants in speed is supplied bytime.

27That the crown is this overbearing part in the English constitutionneeds not be mentioned, and that it derives its whole consequencemerely from being the giver of places and pensions is self-evident,wherefore, though we have been wise enough to shut and lock a dooragainst absolute monarchy, we at the same time have been foolish enough to put the crown in possession of the key.

28The prejudice of Englishmen, in favour of their own government by king,lords and commons, arises as much or more from national pride thanreason. Individuals are undoubtedly safer in England than in someother countries, but the willof the king is as much the lawof the land in Britain as in France, with this difference, that instead of proceeding directly from his mouth, it is handed to the people under the more formidable shape of an act of parliament. For the fate of Charles the first, hath only made kings more subtle—not more just.

29Wherefore, laying aside all national pride and prejudice in favour ofmodes and forms, the plain truth is, that it is wholly owing to the constitution of the people, and not to the constitution of the governmentthat the crown is not as oppressive in England as in Turkey.

30An inquiry into the constitutional errorsin the English form of government is at this time highly necessary, for as we are never in aproper condition of doing justice to others, while we continue underthe influence of some leading partiality, so neither are we capable ofdoing it to ourselves while we remain fettered by any obstinateprejudice. And as a man, who is attached to a prostitute, is unfittedto choose or judge of a wife, so any prepossession in favour of a rottenconstitution of government will disable us from discerning a good one.

OF MONARCHY AND HEREDITARY SUCCESSION.

Mankind being originally equals in the order of creation, the equality could only be destroyed by some subsequent circumstance; the distinctions of rich, and poor, may in a great measure be accounted for, and that without having recourse to the harsh ill sounding names of oppression and avarice. Oppression is often the consequence, but seldom or never the meansof riches; and though avarice will preserve a man from being necessitously poor, it generally makes him too timorous to be wealthy.

32But there is another and greater distinction for which no trulynatural or religious reason can be assigned, and that is, thedistinction of men into kings and subjects. Male and female are thedistinctions of nature, good and bad the distinctions of heaven; buthow a race of men came into the world so exalted above the rest, anddistinguished like some new species, is worth enquiring into, andwhether they are the means of happiness or of misery to mankind.

33In the early ages of the world, according to the scripture chronology,there were no kings; the consequence of which was there were no wars;it is the pride of kings which throw mankind into confusion. Hollandwithout a king hath enjoyed more peace for this last century than anyof the monarchial governments in Europe. Antiquity favors the sameremark; for the quiet and rural lives of the first patriarchs hath ahappy something in them, which vanishes away when we come to thehistory of Jewish royalty.

34Government by kings was first introduced into the world by theHeathens, from whom the children of Israel copied the custom. It wasthe most prosperous invention the Devil ever set on foot for thepromotion of idolatry. The Heathens paid divine honors to theirdeceased kings, and the christian world hath improved on the plan bydoing the same to their living ones. How impious is the title ofsacred majesty applied to a worm, who in the midst of his splendor iscrumbling into dust!

35As the exalting one man so greatly above the rest cannot be justifiedon the equal rights of nature, so neither can it be defended on theauthority of scripture; for the will of the Almighty, as declared byGideon and the prophet Samuel, expressly disapproves of government bykings. All anti-monarchical parts of scripture have been very smoothlyglossed over in monarchical governments, but they undoubtedly merit theattention of countries which have their governments yet to form.“Render unto Cæsar the things which are Cæsar’s” is the scripture doctrine of courts, yet it is no support of monarchical government, for the Jews at that time were without a king, and in a state of vassalage to the Romans.

36Near three thousand years passed away from the Mosaic account of thecreation, till the Jews under a national delusion requested a king.Till then their form of government (except in extraordinary cases,where the Almighty interposed) was a kind of republic administred by a judge and the elders of the tribes. Kings they had none, and it was held sinful to acknowledge any being under that title but the Lord of Hosts. And when a man seriously reflects on the idolatrous homage which is paid to the persons of Kings, he need not wonder, that the Almighty ever jealous of his honor, should disapprove of a form of government which so impiously invades the prerogative of heaven.

37Monarchy is ranked in scripture as one of the sins of the Jews, forwhich a curse in reserve is denounced against them. The history ofthat transaction is worth attending to.

38The children of Israel being oppressed by the Midianites, Gideonmarched against them with a small army, and victory, thro’ the divine interposition, decided in his favour. The Jews elate with success, and attributing it to the generalship of Gideon, proposed making him a king, saying, Rule thou over us, thou and thy son and thy son’s son.Here was temptation in its fullest extent; not a kingdom only, but an hereditary one, but Gideon in the piety of his soul replied, I will not rule over you, neither shall my son rule over you.The Lord shall rule over you. Words need not be more explicit; Gideon doth not declinethe honor, but denieth their right to give it; neither doth he compliment them with invented declarations of his thanks, but in the positive stile of a prophet charges them with disaffection to their proper Sovereign, the King of heaven.

39About one hundred and thirty years after this, they fell again into thesame error. The hankering which the Jews had for the idolatrouscustoms of the Heathens, is something exceedingly unaccountable; but soit was, that laying hold of the misconduct of Samuel’s two sons, whowere entrusted with some secular concerns, they came in an abrupt andclamorous manner to Samuel, saying, Behold thou art old, and thy sons walk not in thy ways, now make us a king to judge us like allother nations.And here we cannot but observe that their motives were bad, viz. that they might be likeunto other nations, i.e. the Heathens, whereas their true glory laid in being as much unlikethem as possible. But the thing displeased Samuel when they said,Give us a king to judge us; and Samuel prayed unto the Lord, and the Lordsaid unto Samuel, Hearken unto the voice of the people in all that they say unto thee, for they have not rejected thee, but they have rejectedme, THAT I SHOULD NOT REIGN OVER THEM. According to all the works which they have done since the day that I brought them up out of Egypt, even unto this day; wherewith they have forsaken me and served other Gods; so do they also unto thee. Now therefore hearken unto their voice, howbeit, protest solemnly unto them and shewthem the manner of the king that shall reign over them, i.e.not of any particular king, but the general manner of the kings of the earth, whom Israel was so eagerly copying after. And notwithstanding the great distance of time and difference of manners, the character is still in fashion. And Samuel told all the words of the Lord unto the people, that asked of him a king. And he said, This shall be the mannerof the king that shall reign over you; he will take your sons and appoint them for himself, for his chariots, and to be his horsemen,and some shall run before his chariots(this description agrees with the present mode of impressing men) and he will appoint himcaptains over thousands and captains over fifties, and will set them to ear his ground and to reap his harvest, and to make his instruments of war, and instruments of his chariots; and he will take your daughters to be confectionaries, and to be cooks and to be bakers(this describes the expence and luxury as well as the oppression of kings) and he will take your fields and your olive yards, even the best of them, and give them to his servants; and he will take the tenth of your feed, and of your vineyards, and give them to his officers and to his servants(by which we see that bribery, corruption and favoritism are the standing vices of kings) and he will take the tenth of your men servants, and your maid servants, and your goodliest young men and your asses, and put them to his work; and he will take the tenth of your sheep, and ye shall be his servants, and ye shall cry out in that day because of your king which ye shall have chosen,and the Lord will not hear you in that day. This accounts for the continuation of monarchy; neither do the characters of the few good kings which have lived since, either sanctify the title, or blot out the sinfulness of the origin; the high encomium given of David takes no notice of him officially as a king, but only as a manafter God’s own heart. Nevertheless the People refused to obey the voice of Samuel, and they said, Nay, but we will have a king over us, that we may be like all the nations, and that our king may judge us, and go out before us, and fight ourbattles.Samuel continued to reason with them, but to no purpose; he set before them their ingratitude, but all would not avail; and seeing them fully bent on their folly, he cried out, I will call unto the Lord,and he shall send thunder and rain(which then was a punishment, being in the time of wheat harvest) that ye may perceive and see that your wickedness is great which ye have done in the sight of the Lord,in asking you a king. So Samuel calledunto the Lord, and the Lord sent thunder and rain that day, and all the people greatly feared the Lord and Samuel. And all the people said unto Samuel, Pray for thy servants unto the Lord thy God that we die not, forwe have added unto our sins this evil, to ask a king. These portions of scripture are direct and positive. They admit of no equivocal construction. That the Almighty hath here entered hisprotest against monarchical government is true, or the scripture isfalse. And a man hath good reason to believe that there is as much ofking-craft, as priest-craft, in withholding the scripture from the publicin Popish countries. For monarchy in every instance is the Popery ofgovernment.

40To the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditary succession;and as the first is a degradation and lessening of ourselves, so thesecond, claimed as a matter of right, is an insult and an imposition onposterity. For all men being originally equals, no oneby birthcould have a right to set up his own family in perpetual preference to all others for ever, and though himself might deserve somedecent degree of honors of his cotemporaries, yet his descendants might be far too unworthy to inherit them. One of the strongest naturalproofs of the folly of hereditary right in kings, is, that nature disapproves it, otherwise she would not so frequently turn it into ridicule by giving mankind an ass for a lion.

41Secondly, as no man at first could possess any other public honorsthan were bestowed upon him, so the givers of those honors could haveno power to give away the right of posterity, and though they mightsay “We choose you for ourhead,” they could not, without manifest injustice to their children, say “that your children and your children’s children shall reign over oursfor ever.” Because such an unwise, unjust, unnatural compact might (perhaps) in the next succession put them under the government of a rogue or a fool. Most wise men, in their private sentiments, have ever treated hereditary right with contempt; yet it is one of those evils, which when once established is not easily removed; many submit from fear, others from superstition, and the more powerful part shares with the king the plunder of the rest.

42This is supposing the present race of kings in the world to have had anhonorable origin; whereas it is more than probable, that could we takeoff the dark covering of antiquity, and trace them to their firstrise, that we should find the first of them nothing better than theprincipal ruffian of some restless gang, whose savage manners orpre-eminence in subtility obtained him the title of chief among plunderers; and who by increasing in power, and extending his depredations, over-awed the quiet and defenceless to purchase their safety by frequent contributions. Yet his electors could have no idea of giving hereditary right to his descendants, because such a perpetual exclusion of themselves was incompatible with the free and unrestrained principles they professed to live by. Wherefore, hereditary succession in the early ages of monarchy could not take place as a matter of claim, but as something casual or complimental; but as few or no records were extant in those days, and traditional history stuffed with fables, it was very easy, after the lapse of a few generations, to trump up some superstitious tale, conveniently timed, Mahomet like, to cram hereditary right down the throats of the vulgar. Perhaps the disorders which threatened, or seemed to threaten, on the decease of a leader and the choice of a new one (for elections among ruffians could not be very orderly) induced many at first to favor hereditary pretensions; by which means it happened, as it hath happened since, that what at first was submitted to as a convenience, was afterwards claimed as a right.

43England, since the conquest, hath known some few good monarchs, butgroaned beneath a much larger number of bad ones; yet no man in hissenses can say that their claim under William the Conqueror is a veryhonorable one. A French bastard landing with an armed banditti, andestablishing himself king of England against the consent of thenatives, is in plain terms a very paltry rascally original.—Itcertainly hath no divinity in it. However, it is needless to spendmuch time in exposing the folly of hereditary right; if there are anyso weak as to believe it, let them promiscuously worship the ass andlion, and welcome. I shall neither copy their humility, nor disturbtheir devotion.

44Yet I should be glad to ask how they suppose kings came at first? Thequestion admits but of three answers, viz. either by lot, by election,or by usurpation. If the first king was taken by lot, it establishes aprecedent for the next, which excludes hereditary succession. Saul wasby lot, yet the succession was not hereditary, neither does it appearfrom that transaction there was any intention it ever should. Ifthe first king of any country was by election, that likewiseestablishes a precedent for the next; for to say, that the rightof all future generations is taken away, by the act of the first electors, in their choice not only of a king, but of a family of kings for ever, hath no parrallel in or out of scripture but the doctrine of original sin, which supposes the free will of all men lost in Adam; and fromsuch comparison, and it will admit of no other, hereditary successioncan derive no glory. For as in Adam all sinned, and as in the firstelectors all men obeyed; as in the one all mankind were subjected toSatan, and in the other to Sovereignty; as our innocence was lost inthe first, and our authority in the last; and as both disable us fromreassuming some former state and privilege, it unanswerably followsthat original sin and hereditary succession are parellels.Dishonorable rank! Inglorious connexion! Yet the most subtile sophistcannot produce a juster simile.

45As to usurpation, no man will be so hardy as to defend it; and thatWilliam the Conqueror was an usurper is a fact not to be contradicted.The plain truth is, that the antiquity of English monarchy will notbear looking into.

46But it is not so much the absurdity as the evil of hereditarysuccession which concerns mankind. Did it ensure a race of good andwise men it would have the seal of divine authority, but as it opens adoor to the foolish, the wicked, and the improper, it hath in it the nature of oppression. Men who look upon themselves born to reign, and others to obey, soon grow insolent; selected from the rest of mankind their minds are early poisoned by importance; and the world they act in differs so materially from the world at large, that they have but little opportunity of knowing its true interests, and when they succeed to the government are frequently the most ignorant and unfit of any throughout the dominions.

47Another evil which attends hereditary succession is, that the throne issubject to be possessed by a minor at any age; all which time theregency, acting under the cover of a king, have every opportunity andinducement to betray their trust. The same national misfortunehappens, when a king worn out with age and infirmity, enters the laststage of human weakness. In both these cases the public becomes a preyto every miscreant, who can tamper successfully with the follies eitherof age or infancy.

48The most plausible plea, which hath ever been offered in favour ofhereditary succession, is, that it preserves a nation from civil wars;and were this true, it would be weighty; whereas, it is the mostbarefaced falsity ever imposed upon mankind. The whole history ofEngland disowns the fact. Thirty kings and two minors have reigned inthat distracted kingdom since the conquest, in which time there havebeen (including the Revolution) no less than eight civil wars andnineteen rebellions. Wherefore instead of making for peace, it makesagainst it, and destroys the very foundation it seems to stand on.

49The contest for monarchy and succession, between the houses of York andLancaster, laid England in a scene of blood for many years. Twelvepitched battles, besides skirmishes and sieges, were fought betweenHenry and Edward. Twice was Henry prisoner to Edward, who in his turnwas prisoner to Henry. And so uncertain is the fate of war and thetemper of a nation, when nothing but personal matters are the ground ofa quarrel, that Henry was taken in triumph from a prison to a palace,and Edward obliged to fly from a palace to a foreign land; yet, assudden transitions of temper are seldom lasting, Henry in his turn wasdriven from the throne, and Edward recalled to succeed him. Theparliament always following the strongest side.

50This contest began in the reign of Henry the Sixth, and was notentirely extinguished till Henry the Seventh, in whom the families wereunited. Including a period of 67 years, viz. from 1422 to 1489.

51In short, monarchy and succession have laid (not this or that kingdomonly) but the world in blood and ashes. ’Tis a form of governmentwhich the word of God bears testimony against, and blood will attend it.

52If we inquire into the business of a king, we shall find that in somecountries they have none; and after sauntering away their lives withoutpleasure to themselves or advantage to the nation, withdraw from thescene, and leave their successors to tread the same idle round. Inabsolute monarchies the whole weight of business, civil and military,lies on the king; the children of Israel in their request for a king,urged this plea “that he may judge us, and go out before us and fightour battles.” But in countries where he is neither a judge nor ageneral, as in England, a man would be puzzled to know what ishis business.

53The nearer any government approaches to a republic the less businessthere is for a king. It is somewhat difficult to find a proper namefor the government of England. Sir William Meredith calls it arepublic; but in its present state it is unworthy of the name, becausethe corrupt influence of the crown, by having all the places in itsdisposal, hath so effectually swallowed up the power, and eaten out thevirtue of the house of commons (the republican part in theconstitution) that the government of England is nearly as monarchicalas that of France or Spain. Men fall out with names withoutunderstanding them. For it is the republican and not the monarchicalpart of the constitution of England which Englishmen glory in, viz. theliberty of choosing a house of commons from out of their own body—andit is easy to see that when republican virtue fails, slavery ensues.Why is the constitution of England sickly, but because monarchy hathpoisoned the republic, the crown hath engrossed the commons?

54In England a king hath little more to do than to make war and give awayplaces; which in plain terms, is to impoverish the nation and set ittogether by the ears. A pretty business indeed for a man to be allowedeight hundred thousand sterling a year for, and worshipped into thebargain! Of more worth is one honest man to society and in the sightof God, than all the crowned ruffians that ever lived.

THOUGHTS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS.

In the following pages I offer nothing more than simple facts, plain arguments, and common sense; and have no other preliminaries to settle with the reader, than that he will divest himself of prejudice and prepossession, and suffer his reason and his feelings to determine for themselves; that he will put on, or rather that he will not put off, the true character of a man, and generously enlarge his views beyond the present day.

56Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle betweenEngland and America. Men of all ranks have embarked in thecontroversy, from different motives, and with various designs; but allhave been ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed. Arms, asthe last resource, decide the contest; the appeal was the choice ofthe king, and the continent hath accepted the challenge.

57It hath been reported of the late Mr. Pelham (who tho’ an able ministerwas not without his faults) that on his being attacked in the house ofcommons, on the score, that his measures were only of a temporary kind,replied “they will last my time.” Should a thought so fatal and unmanly possess the colonies in the present contest, the name of ancestors will be remembered by future generations with detestation.

58The sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. ’Tis not the affairof a city, a country, a province, or a kingdom, but of a continent—ofat least one eighth part of the habitable globe. ’Tis not the concernof a day, a year, or an age; posterity are virtually involved in thecontest, and will be more or less affected, even to the end of time, bythe proceedings now. Now is the seed time of continental union, faithand honor. The least fracture now will be like a name engraved withthe point of a pin on the tender rind of a young oak; the wound willenlarge with the tree, and posterity read it in full grown characters.

59By referring the matter from argument to arms, a new æra for politicsis struck; a new method of thinking hath arisen. All plans, proposals,&c. prior to the nineteenth of April, i.e.to the commencement of hostilities, are like the almanacks of the last year; which, thoughproper then, are superseded and useless now. Whatever was advanced bythe advocates on either side of the question then, terminated in oneand the same point, viz. a union with Great-Britain; the onlydifference between the parties was the method of effecting it; the oneproposing force, the other friendship; but it hath so far happened thatthe first hath failed, and the second hath withdrawn her influence.

60As much hath been said of the advantages of reconciliation, which, likean agreeable dream, hath passed away and left us as we were, it is butright, that we should examine the contrary side of the argument, andinquire into some of the many material injuries which these coloniessustain, and always will sustain, by being connected with, anddependant on Great-Britain. To examine that connexion and dependance,on the principles of nature and common sense, to see what we have totrust to, if separated, and what we are to expect, if dependant.

61I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished underher former connexion with Great-Britain, that the same connexion isnecessary towards her future happiness, and will always have the sameeffect. Nothing can be more fallacious than this kind of argument. Wemay as well assert that because a child has thrived upon milk, that itis never to have meat, or that the first twenty years of our lives isto become a precedent for the next twenty. But even this is admittingmore than is true, for I answer roundly, that America would haveflourished as much, and probably much more, had no European power hadany thing to do with her. The commerce, by which she hath enrichedherself are the necessaries of life, and will always have a marketwhile eating is the custom of Europe.

62But she has protected us, say some. That she has engrossed us is true,and defended the continent at our expence as well as her own isadmitted, and she would have defended Turkey from the same motive, viz.the sake of trade and dominion.

63Alas, we have been long led away by ancient prejudices, and made largesacrifices to superstition. We have boasted the protection of Great-Britain, without considering, that her motive was interestnot attachment; that she did not protect us from our enemieson our account, but from her enemieson her own account, from those who had no quarrel with us on any otheraccount, and who will always be our enemies on the same account. Let Britain wave her pretensions to the continent, or the continent throw off the dependance, and we should be at peace with France and Spain were they at war with Britain. The miseries of Hanover last war ought to warn us against connexions.

64It has lately been asserted in parliament, that the colonies have norelation to each other but through the parent country, i.e.thatPennsylvania and the Jerseys, and so on for the rest, are sistercolonies by the way of England; this is certainly a very round-aboutway of proving relationship, but it is the nearest and only true way ofproving enemyship, if I may so call it. France and Spain never were,nor perhaps ever will be our enemies as Americans, but as our being the subjects of Great-Britain.

65But Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame uponher conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages makewar upon their families; wherefore the assertion, if true, turns to herreproach; but it happens not to be true, or only partly so, and thephrase parentor mother countryhath been jesuitically adopted by the king and his parasites, with a low papistical design of gaining an unfair bias on the credulous weakness of our minds. Europe, and not England, is the parent country of America. This new world hath been the asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and religious libertyfrom every partof Europe. Hither have they fled, not from the tender embraces of the mother, but from the cruelty of the monster; and it is so far true of England, that the same tyranny which drove the firstemigrants from home, pursues their descendants still.

66In this extensive quarter of the globe, we forget the narrow limits ofthree hundred and sixty miles (the extent of England) and carry ourfriendship on a larger scale; we claim brotherhood with every Europeanchristian, and triumph in the generosity of the sentiment.

67It is pleasant to observe by what regular gradations we surmount theforce of local prejudice, as we enlarge our acquaintance with theworld. A man born in any town in England divided into parishes, willnaturally associate most with his fellow parishioners (because theirinterests in many cases will be common) and distinguish him by the nameof neighbour; if he meet him but a few miles from home, he drops the narrow idea of a street, and salutes him by the name of townsman; if he travel out of the county, and meet him in any other, he forgets the minor divisions of street and town, and calls him countryman, i.e. county-man; but if in their foreign excursions they should associate in France or any other part of Europe, their local remembrance would be enlarged into that of Englishmen. And by a just parity of reasoning,all Europeans meeting in America, or any other quarter of the globe,are countrymen; for England, Holland, Germany, or Sweden, when compared with the whole, stand in the same places on the larger scale, which the divisions of street, town, and county do on the smaller ones;distinctions too limited for continental minds. Not one third of theinhabitants, even of this province, are of English descent. WhereforeI reprobate the phrase of parent or mother country applied to Englandonly, as being false, selfish, narrow and ungenerous.

68But admitting, that we were all of English descent, what does it amountto? Nothing. Britain, being now an open enemy, extinguishes everyother name and title: And to say that reconciliation is our duty, istruly farcical. The first king of England, of the present line(William the Conqueror) was a Frenchman, and half the Peers of Englandare descendants from the same country; therefore, by the same method ofreasoning, England ought to be governed by France.

69Much hath been said of the united strength of Britain and the colonies,that in conjunction they might bid defiance to the world. But this ismere presumption; the fate of war is uncertain, neither do theexpressions mean any thing; for this continent would never sufferitself to be drained of inhabitants, to support the British arms ineither Asia, Africa, or Europe.

70Besides what have we to do with setting the world at defiance? Ourplan is commerce, and that, well attended to, will secure us the peaceand friendship of all Europe; because, it is the interest of all Europeto have America a free port. Her trade will always be a protection, and her barrenness of gold and silver secure her from invaders.

71I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, to shew, a singleadvantage that this continent can reap, by being connected with GreatBritain. I repeat the challenge, not a single advantage is derived.Our corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe, and our importedgoods must be paid for buy them where we will.

72But the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connection, arewithout number; and our duty to mankind at large, as well as toourselves, instruct us to renounce the alliance: Because, anysubmission to, or dependance on Great-Britain, tends directly toinvolve this continent in European wars and quarrels; and sets us atvariance with nations, who would otherwise seek our friendship, andagainst whom, we have neither anger nor complaint. As Europe is ourmarket for trade, we ought to form no partial connection with any partof it. It is the true interest of America to steer clear of Europeancontentions, which she never can do, while by her dependence onBritain, she is made the make-weight in the scale of British politics.

73Europe is too thickly planted with kingdoms to be long at peace, andwhenever a war breaks out between England and any foreign power, thetrade of America goes to ruin, because of her connection withBritain. The next war may not turn out like the last, and should it not, the advocates for reconciliation now will be wishing for separation then, because, neutrality in that case, would be a safer convoy than a man of war. Every thing that is right or natural pleads for separation. The blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, ’Tis time to part. Even the distance at which the Almighty hath placed England and America, is a strong and natural proof, that the authority of the one, over the other, was never the design of Heaven. The time likewise at which the continent was discovered, adds weight to the argument, andthe manner in which it was peopled encreases the force of it. Thereformation was preceded by the discovery of America, as if theAlmighty graciously meant to open a sanctuary to the persecuted infuture years, when home should afford neither friendship nor safety.

74The authority of Great-Britain over this continent, is a form ofgovernment, which sooner or later must have an end: And a serious mindcan draw no true pleasure by looking forward, under the painful andpositive conviction, that what he calls “the present constitution” is merely temporary. As parents, we can have no joy, knowing that this governmentis not sufficiently lasting to ensure any thing which we may bequeath to posterity: And by a plain method of argument, as we are running the next generation into debt, we ought to do the work of it, otherwise we use them meanly and pitifully. In order to discover the line of our duty rightly, we should take our children in our hand, and fix our station a few years farther into life; that eminence will present a prospect, which a few present fears and prejudices conceal from our sight.

75Though I would carefully avoid giving unnecessary offence, yet I aminclined to believe, that all those who espouse the doctrine ofreconciliation, may be included within the following descriptions.Interested men, who are not to be trusted; weak men, who cannotsee; prejudiced men, who will notsee; and a certain set of moderate men, who think better of the European world than it deserves; and this last class, by an ill-judged deliberation, will be the cause of more calamities to this continent, than all the other three.

76It is the good fortune of many to live distant from the scene ofsorrow; the evil is not sufficient brought to theirdoors to make themfeel the precariousness with which all American property is possessed. But let our imaginations transport us for a few moments to Boston, that seat of wretchedness will teach us wisdom, and instruct us for ever to renounce a power in whom we can have no trust. The inhabitants of that unfortunate city, who but a few months ago were in ease and affluence, have now, no other alternative than to stay and starve, or turn out to beg. Endangered by the fire of their friends if they continue within the city, and plundered by the soldiery if they leave it. In their present condition they are prisoners without the hope of redemption, and in a general attack for their relief, they would be exposed to the fury of both armies.

77Men of passive tempers look somewhat lightly over the offences ofBritain, and, still hoping for the best, are apt to call out, “Come,come, we shall be friends again, for all this.” But examine thepassions and feelings of mankind, Bring the doctrine of reconciliationto the touchstone of nature, and then tell me, whether you canhereafter love, honour, and faithfully serve the power that hath carriedfire and sword into your land? If you cannot do all these, then areyou only deceiving yourselves, and by your delay bringing ruin uponposterity. Your future connection with Britain, whom you can neitherlove nor honour, will be forced and unnatural, and being formed only onthe plan of present convenience, will in a little time fall into arelapse more wretched than the first. But if you say, you can stillpass the violations over, then I ask, Hath your house been burnt? Hathyour property been destroyed before your face? Are your wife andchildren destitute of a bed to lie on, or bread to live on? Have youlost a parent or a child by their hands, and yourself the ruined andwretched survivor? If you have not, then are you not a judge of thosewho have. But if you have, and still can shake hands with themurderers, then are you unworthy of the name of husband, father,friend, or lover, and whatever may be your rank or title in life, youhave the heart of a coward, and the spirit of a sycophant.

78This is not inflaming or exaggerating matters, but trying them by thosefeelings and affections which nature justifies, and without which, weshould be incapable of discharging the social duties of life, orenjoying the felicities of it. I mean not to exhibit horror for thepurpose of provoking revenge, but to awaken us from fatal and unmanlyslumbers, that we may pursue determinately some fixed object. It isnot in the power of Britain or of Europe to conquer America, if she donot conquer herself by delayand timidity. The present winter is worth an age if rightly employed, but if lost or neglected, the whole continent will partake of the misfortune; and there is no punishment which that man will not deserve, be he who, or what, or where he will, that may be the means of sacrificing a season so precious and useful.

79It is repugnant to reason, to the universal order of things to allexamples from former ages, to suppose, that this continent can longerremain subject to any external power. The most sanguine in Britaindoes not think so. The utmost stretch of human wisdom cannot, at thistime, compass a plan short of separation, which can promise thecontinent even a year’s security. Reconciliation is nowa fallacious dream. Nature hath deserted the connexion, and Art cannot supply her place. For, as Milton wisely expresses, “never can true reconcilement grow where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep.”

80Every quiet method for peace hath been ineffectual. Our prayers havebeen rejected with disdain; and only tended to convince us, thatnothing flatters vanity, or confirms obstinacy in Kings more thanrepeated petitioning—and nothing hath contributed more than that very measure to make the Kings of Europe absolute: Witness Denmark and Sweden. Wherefore, since nothing but blows will do, for God’s sake, let us come to a final separation, and not leave the next generation to be cutting throats, under the violated unmeaning names of parent and child.

81To say, they will never attempt it again is idle and visionary, wethought so at the repeal of the stamp-act, yet a year or two undeceivedus; as well may we suppose that nations, which have been once defeated,will never renew the quarrel.

82As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to do thiscontinent justice: The business of it will soon be too weighty, andintricate, to be managed with any tolerable degree of convenience, by apower, so distant from us, and so very ignorant of us; for if theycannot conquer us, they cannot govern us. To be always running threeor four thousand miles with a tale or a petition, waiting four or fivemonths for an answer, which when obtained requires five or six more toexplain it in, will in a few years be looked upon as folly andchildishness—There was a time when it was proper, and there is aproper time for it to cease.

83Small islands not capable of protecting themselves, are the properobjects for kingdoms to take under their care; but there is somethingvery absurd, in supposing a continent to be perpetually governed by anisland. In no instance hath nature made the satellite larger than itsprimary planet, and as England and America, with respect to each other,reverses the common order of nature, it is evident they belong todifferent systems: England to Europe, America to itself.

84I am not induced by motives of pride, party, or resentment to espousethe doctrine of separation and independance; I am clearly, positively,and conscientiously persuaded that it is the true interest of thiscontinent to be so; that every thing short of thatis mere patchwork, that it can afford no lasting felicity,—that it is leaving the sword to our children, and shrinking back at a time, when, a little more, a little farther, would have rendered this continent the glory of the earth.

85As Britain hath not manifested the least inclination towards acompromise, we may be assured that no terms can be obtained worthy theacceptance of the continent, or any ways equal to the expence of bloodand treasure we have been already put to.

86The object, contended for, ought always to bear some just proportion tothe expence. The removal of North, or the whole detestable junto, is amatter unworthy the millions we have expended. A temporary stoppage oftrade, was an inconvenience, which would have sufficiently ballanced therepeal of all the acts complained of, had such repeals been obtained;but if the whole continent must take up arms, if every man must be asoldier, it is scarcely worth our while to fight against a contemptibleministry only. Dearly, dearly, do we pay for the repeal of the acts,if that is all we fight for; for in a just estimation, it is as great afolly to pay a Bunker-hill price for law, as for land. As I havealways considered the independancy of this continent, as an event,which sooner or later must arrive, so from the late rapid progress ofthe continent to maturity, the event could not be far off. Wherefore,on the breaking out of hostilities, it was not worth the while to havedisputed a matter, which time would have finally redressed, unless wemeant to be in earnest; otherwise, it is like wasting an estate on asuit at law, to regulate the trespasses of a tenant, whose lease isjust expiring. No man was a warmer wisher for reconciliation thanmyself, before the fatal nineteenth of April 1775, but the moment theevent of that day was made known, I rejected the hardened, sullentempered Pharaoh of England for ever; and disdain the wretch, that withthe pretended title of father of his peoplecan unfeelingly hear of their slaughter, and composedly sleep with their blood upon his soul.

87But admitting that matters were now made up, what would be the event?I answer, the ruin of the continent. And that for several reasons.

88First. The powers of governing still remaining in the hands of the king, he will have a negative over the whole legislation of thiscontinent. And as he hath shewn himself such an inveterate enemy toliberty, and discovered such a thirst for arbitrary power; is he, or ishe not, a proper man to say to these colonies, “You shall make nolaws but what I please.” And is there any inhabitant in America so ignorant, as not to know, that according to what is called the present constitution, that this continent can make no laws but what the king gives leave to; and is there any man so unwise, as not to see, that (considering what has happened) he will suffer no law to be made here, but such as suit hispurpose. We may be as effectually enslaved by the want of laws in America, as by submitting to laws made for us in England. After matters are made up (as it is called) can there be any doubt, but the whole power of the crown will be exerted, to keep this continent as low and humble as possible? Instead of going forward we shall go backward, or be perpetually quarrelling or ridiculouslypetitioning.—We are already greater than the king wishes us to be,and will he not hereafter endeavour to make us less? To bring thematter to one point. Is the power who is jealous of our prosperity, aproper power to govern us? Whoever says Noto this question is an independant, for independancy means no more, than, whether we shall make our own laws, or whether the king, the greatest enemy thiscontinent hath, or can have, shall tell us “there shall be no lawsbut such as I like.”

89But the king you will say has a negative in England; the people therecan make no laws without his consent. In point of right and goodorder, there is something very ridiculous, that a youth of twenty-one(which hath often happened) shall say to several millions of people,older and wiser than himself, I forbid this or that act of yours to belaw. But in this place I decline this sort of reply, though I willnever cease to expose the absurdity of it, and only answer, thatEngland being the King’s residence, and America not so, makes quite another case. The king’s negative hereis ten times more dangerous and fatal than it can be in England, for therehe will scarcely refuse his consent to a bill for putting England into as strong a state of defence as possible, and in America he would never suffer such a bill to be passed.

90America is only a secondary object in the system of British politics,England consults the good of thiscountry, no farther than it answers her ownpurpose. Wherefore, her own interest leads her to suppress the growth of oursin every case which doth not promote her advantage, or in the least interferes with it. A pretty state we should soon be in under such a second-hand government, considering what has happened! Men do not change from enemies to friends by the alteration of a name: And in order to shew that reconciliation nowis a dangerous doctrine, I affirm, thatit would be policy in the king at this time, to repeal the acts for the sake of reinstating himself in the government of the provinces;in order, that he may accomplish by craft andsubtilty, in the long run, what he cannot do by force and violence in the short one. Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related.

91Secondly. That as even the best terms, which we can expect to obtain, can amount to no more than a temporary expedient, or a kind ofgovernment by guardianship, which can last no longer than till thecolonies come of age, so the general face and state of things, in theinterim, will be unsettled and unpromising. Emigrants of property willnot choose to come to a country whose form of government hangs but by athread, and who is every day tottering on the brink of commotion anddisturbance; and numbers of the present inhabitants would lay hold ofthe interval, to dispense of their effects, and quit the continent.

92But the most powerful of all arguments, is, that nothing butindependance, i.e. a continental form of government, can keep thepeace of the continent and preserve it inviolate from civil wars. Idread the event of a reconciliation with Britain now, as it is morethan probable, that it will be followed by a revolt somewhere or other,the consequences of which may be far more fatal than all the malice ofBritain.

93Thousands are already ruined by British barbarity; (thousands more willprobably suffer the same fate) Those men have other feelings than uswho have nothing suffered. All they nowpossess is liberty, what they before enjoyed is sacrificed to its service, and having nothing more to lose, they disdain submission. Besides, the general temper of the colonies, towards a British government, will be like that of a youth, who is nearly out of his time; they will care very little about her. And a government which cannot preserve the peace, is no government at all, and in that case we pay our money for nothing; and pray what is it that Britain can do, whose power will be wholly on paper, should a civil tumult break out the very day after reconciliation? I have heard some men say, many of whom I believe spoke without thinking, that they dreaded an independance, fearing that it would produce civil wars. It is but seldom that our first thoughts are truly correct, and that is the case here; for there are ten times more to dread from a patched up connexion than from independance. I make the sufferers case my own, and I protest, that were I driven from house and home, my propertydestroyed, and my circumstances ruined, that as man, sensible ofinjuries, I could never relish the doctrine of reconciliation, orconsider myself bound thereby.

94The colonies have manifested such a spirit of good order and obedienceto continental government, as is sufficient to make every reasonableperson easy and happy on that head. No man can assign the leastpretence for his fears, on any other grounds, than such as are trulychildish and ridiculous, viz. that one colony will be striving forsuperiority over another.

95Where there are no distinctions there can be no superiority, perfectequality affords no temptation. The republics of Europe are all (andwe may say always) in peace. Holland and Swisserland are without wars,foreign or domestic: Monarchical governments, it is true, are neverlong at rest; the crown itself is a temptation to enterprizing ruffiansat home; and that degree of pride and insolence ever attendant on regal authority, swells into a rupture with foreign powers, in instances, where a republican government, by being formed on more naturalprinciples, would negociate the mistake.

96If there is any true cause of fear respecting independance, it isbecause no plan is yet laid down. Men do not see their way out—Wherefore, as an opening into that business, I offer the following hints; at the same time modestly affirming, that I have no otheropinion of them myself, than that they may be the means of giving riseto something better. Could the straggling thoughts of individuals becollected, they would frequently form materials for wise and able mento improve into useful matter.

97Let the assemblies be annual, with a President only. Therepresentation more equal. Their business wholly domestic, and subjectto the authority of a Continental Congress.

98Let each colony be divided into six, eight, or ten, convenientdistricts, each district to send a proper number of delegates toCongress, so that each colony send at least thirty. The whole numberin Congress will be at least 390. Each Congress to sit and to choose apresident by the following method. When the delegates are met, let acolony be taken from the whole thirteen colonies by lot, after which,let the whole Congress choose (by ballot) a president from out of thedelegates of thatprovince. In the next Congress, let a colony be taken by lot from twelve only, omitting that colony from which thepresident was taken in the former Congress, and so proceeding on tillthe whole thirteen shall have had their proper rotation. And in orderthat nothing may pass into a law but what is satisfactorily just, notless than three fifths of the Congress to be called a majority.—Hethat will promote discord, under a government so equally formed asthis, would have joined Lucifer in his revolt.

99But as there is a peculiar delicacy, from whom, or in what manner, thisbusiness must first arise, and as it seems most agreeable andconsistent that it should come from some intermediate body between thegoverned and the governors, that is, between the Congress and thepeople, let a Continental Conference be held, in the following manner, and for the following purpose.

100A committee of twenty-six members of Congress, viz. two for eachcolony. Two members from each House of Assembly, or ProvincialConvention; and five representatives of the people at large, to bechosen in the capital city or town of each province, for, and in behalfof the whole province, by as many qualified voters as shall thinkproper to attend from all parts of the province for that purpose; or,if more convenient, the representatives may be chosen in two or threeof the most populous parts thereof. In this conference, thusassembled, will be united, the two grand principles of business,knowledgeand power. The members of Congress, Assemblies, or Conventions, by having had experience in national concerns, will be able and useful counsellors, and the whole, being impowered by the people, will have a truly legal authority.

101The conferring members being met, let their business be to frame aContinental Charter, or Charter of the United Colonies; (answering to what is called the Magna Charta of England) fixing the number and manner of choosing members of Congress, members of Assembly, with their date of sitting, and drawing the line of business and jurisdiction between them: (Always remembering, that our strength is continental, not provincial:) Securing freedom and property to all men, and above all things, the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience; with such other matter as is necessary for a charter to contain. Immediately after which, the said Conference to dissolve, and the bodies which shall be chosen comformable to the said charter, to be the legislators and governors of this continent for the time being: Whose peace and happiness, may God preserve, Amen.

102Should any body of men be hereafter delegated for this or some similarpurpose, I offer them the following extracts from that wise observer ongovernments Dragonetti. “The science” says he “of the politician consists in fixing the true point of happiness and freedom. Those men would deserve the gratitude of ages, who should discover a mode of government that contained the greatest sum of individual happiness, with the least national expense.

Dragonetti on virtue and rewards.”

103But where says some is the King of America? I’ll tell you Friend,he reigns above, and doth not make havoc of mankind like the RoyalBrute of Britain. Yet that we may not appear to be defective even inearthly honors, let a day be solemnly set apart for proclaiming thecharter; let it be brought forth placed on the divine law, the word ofGod; let a crown be placed thereon, by which the world may know, thatso far as we approve of monarchy, that in America the law is king. For as in absolute governments the King is law, so in free countries the law oughtto be King; and there ought to be no other. But lest any ill use should afterwards arise, let the crown at the conclusion of the ceremony be demolished, and scattered among the people whose right it is.

104A government of our own is our natural right: And when a man seriouslyreflects on the precariousness of human affairs, he will becomeconvinced, that it is infinitely wiser and safer, to form aconstitution of our own in a cool deliberate manner, while we have itin our power, than to trust such an interesting event to time andchance. If we omit it now, some Massanello ¹ may hereafter arise,who laying hold of popular disquietudes, may collect together thedesperate and the discontented, and by assuming to themselves thepowers of government, may sweep away the liberties of the continentlike a deluge. Should the government of America return again into thehands of Britain, the tottering situation of things, will be atemptation for some desperate adventurer to try his fortune; and insuch a case, what relief can Britain give? Ere she could hear thenews, the fatal business might be done; and ourselves suffering likethe wretched Britons under the oppression of the Conqueror. Ye thatoppose independance now, ye know not what ye do; ye are opening a doorto eternal tyranny, by keeping vacant the seat of government. Thereare thousands, and tens of thousands, who would think it glorious toexpel from the continent, that barbarous and hellish power, which hathstirred up the Indians and Negroes to destroy us, the cruelty hath adouble guilt, it is dealing brutally by us, and treacherously by them.

¹ Thomas Anello, otherwise Massanello, a fisherman of Naples, who afterspiriting up his countrymen in the public market place, against theoppressions of the Spaniards, to whom the place was then subject,prompted them to revolt, and in the space of a day became king.

105To talk of friendship with those in whom our reason forbids us to havefaith, and our affections wounded through a thousand pores instruct usto detest, is madness and folly. Every day wears out the littleremains of kindred between us and them, and can there be any reason tohope, that as the relationship expires, the affection will increase, orthat we shall agree better, when we have ten times more and greaterconcerns to quarrel over than ever?

106Ye that tell us of harmony and reconciliation, can ye restore to us thetime that is past? Can ye give to prostitution its former innocence?Neither can ye reconcile Britain and America. The last cord now isbroken, the people of England are presenting addresses against us.There are injuries which nature cannot forgive; she would cease to benature if she did. As well can the lover forgive the ravisher of hismistress, as the continent forgive the murders of Britain. TheAlmighty hath implanted in us these unextinguishable feelings for goodand wise purposes. They are the guardians of his image in our hearts.They distinguish us from the herd of common animals. The socialcompact would dissolve, and justice be extirpated the earth, or haveonly a casual existence were we callous to the touches of affection.The robber, and the murderer, would often escape unpunished, did notthe injuries which our tempers sustain, provoke us into justice.

107O ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose, not only the tyranny, butthe tyrant, stand forth! Every spot of the old world is overrun withoppression. Freedom hath been hunted round the globe. Asia, andAfrica, have long expelled her—Europe regards her like a stranger, andEngland hath given her warning to depart. O! receive the fugitive, andprepare in time an asylum for mankind.

OF THE PRESENT ABILITY OF AMERICA,
WITH SOME MISCELLANEOUS REFLEXIONS.

I have never met with a man, either in England or America, who hath not confessed his opinion, that a separation between the countries, would take place one time or other: And there is no instance, in which we have shewn less judgment, than in endeavouring to describe, what we call, the ripeness or fitness of the Continent for independance.

109As all men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinion of thetime, let us, in order to remove mistakes, take a general survey ofthings, and endeavour, if possible, to find out the verytime. But we need not go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the timehath found us. The general concurrence, the glorious union of all things prove the fact.

110It is not in numbers, but in unity, that our great strength lies; yetour present numbers are sufficient to repel the force of all the world.The Continent hath, at this time, the largest body of armed anddisciplined men of any power under Heaven; and is just arrived at thatpitch of strength, in which no single colony is able to support itself,and the whole, when united, can accomplish the matter, and either more,or, less than this, might be fatal in its effects. Our land force isalready sufficient, and as to naval affairs, we cannot be insensible,that Britain would never suffer an American man of war to be built,while the continent remained in her hands. Wherefore, we should be noforwarder an hundred years hence in that branch, than we are now; butthe truth is, we should be less so, because the timber of the countryis every day diminishing, and that, which will remain at last, will befar off and difficult to procure.

111Were the continent crowded with inhabitants, her sufferings under thepresent circumstances would be intolerable. The more sea port towns wehad, the more should we have both to defend and to lose. Our presentnumbers are so happily proportioned to our wants, that no man need beidle. The diminution of trade affords an army, and the necessities ofan army create a new trade.

112Debts we have none; and whatever we may contract on this account willserve as a glorious memento of our virtue. Can we but leave posteritywith a settled form of government, an independant constitution of itsown, the purchase at any price will be cheap. But to expend millionsfor the sake of getting a few vile acts repealed, and routing thepresent ministry only, is unworthy the charge, and is using posteritywith the utmost cruelty; because it is leaving them the great work todo, and a debt upon their backs, from which they derive no advantage.Such a thought is unworthy a man of honor, and is the truecharacteristic of a narrow heart and a pedling politician.

113The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard if the work bebut accomplished. No nation ought to be without a debt. A nationaldebt is a national bond; and when it bears no interest, is in no case agrievance. Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards of one hundredand forty millions sterling, for which she pays upwards of fourmillions interest. And as a compensation for her debt, she has a largenavy; America is without a debt, and without a navy; yet for thetwentieth part of the English national debt, could have a navy as largeagain. The navy of England is not worth, at this time, more than threemillions and an half sterling.

114The first and second editions of this pamphlet were published withoutthe following calculations, which are now given as a proof that theabove estimation of the navy is just. See Entic’s naval history, intro.page 56.

115The charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing her withmasts, yards, sails and rigging, together with a proportion of eightmonths boatswain’s and carpenter’s sea-stores, as calculated by Mr. Burchett, Secretary to the navy.

116And from hence it is easy to sum up the value, or cost rather, of thewhole British navy, which in the year 1757, when it was at its greatestglory consisted of the following ships and guns:

117No country on the globe is so happily situated, or so internallycapable of raising a fleet as America. Tar, timber, iron, and cordageare her natural produce. We need go abroad for nothing. Whereas theDutch, who make large profits by hiring out their ships of war to theSpaniards and Portuguese, are obliged to import most of the materialsthey use. We ought to view the building a fleet as an article ofcommerce, it being the natural manufactory of this country. It is thebest money we can lay out. A navy when finished is worth more than itcost. And is that nice point in national policy, in which commerce andprotection are united. Let us build; if we want them not, we can sell;and by that means replace our paper currency with ready gold and silver.

118In point of manning a fleet, people in general run into great errors;it is not necessary that one fourth part should be sailors. TheTerrible privateer, Captain Death, stood the hottest engagement of anyship last war, yet had not twenty sailors on board, though hercomplement of men was upwards of two hundred. A few able and socialsailors will soon instruct a sufficient number of active landmen in thecommon work of a ship. Wherefore, we never can be more capable tobegin on maritime matters than now, while our timber is standing, ourfisheries blocked up, and our sailors and shipwrights out of employ.Men of war, of seventy and eighty guns were built forty years ago inNew-England, and why not the same now? Ship-building is America’sgreatest pride, and in which, she will in time excel the whole world.The great empires of the east are mostly inland, and consequentlyexcluded from the possibility of rivalling her. Africa is in a stateof barbarism; and no power in Europe, hath either such an extent ofcoast, or such an internal supply of materials. Where nature hathgiven the one, she has withheld the other; to America only hath shebeen liberal of both. The vast empire of Russia is almost shut outfrom the sea; wherefore, her boundless forests, her tar, iron, andcordage are only articles of commerce.

119In point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet? We are not thelittle people now, which we were sixty years ago; at that time we mighthave trusted our property in the streets, or fields rather; and sleptsecurely without locks or bolts to our doors or windows. The case nowis altered, and our methods of defence, ought to improve with ourincrease of property. A common pirate, twelve months ago, might havecome up the Delaware, and laid the city of Philadelphia under instantcontribution, for what sum he pleased; and the same might have happenedto other places. Nay, any daring fellow, in a brig of fourteen orsixteen guns, might have robbed the whole Continent, and carried offhalf a million of money. These are circumstances which demand ourattention, and point out the necessity of naval protection.

120Some, perhaps, will say, that after we have made it up with Britain,she will protect us. Can we be so unwise as to mean, that she shallkeep a navy in our harbours for that purpose? Common sense will tellus, that the power which hath endeavoured to subdue us, is of allothers, the most improper to defend us. Conquest may be effected underthe pretence of friendship; and ourselves, after a long and braveresistance, be at last cheated into slavery. And if her ships are notto be admitted into our harbours, I would ask, how is she to protectus? A navy three or four thousand miles off can be of little use, andon sudden emergencies, none at all. Wherefore, if we must hereafterprotect ourselves, why not do it for ourselves? Why do it for another?

121The English list of ships of war, is long and formidable, but not atenth part of them are at any one time fit for service, numbers of themnot in being; yet their names are pompously continued in the list, ifonly a plank be left of the ship: and not a fifth part, of such as arefit for service, can be spared on any one station at one time. TheEast and West Indies, Mediterranean, Africa, and other parts over whichBritain extends her claim, make large demands upon her navy. From amixture of prejudice and inattention, we have contracted a false notionrespecting the navy of England, and have talked as if we should havethe whole of it to encounter at once, and for that reason, supposed,that we must have one as large; which not being instantly practicable,have been made use of by a set of disguised Tories to discourage ourbeginning thereon. Nothing can be farther from truth than this; for ifAmerica had only a twentieth part of the naval force of Britain, shewould be by far an over match for her; because, as we neither have, norclaim any foreign dominion, our whole force would be employed on ourown coast, where we should, in the long run, have two to one theadvantage of those who had three or four thousand miles to sail over,before they could attack us, and the same distance to return in orderto refit and recruit. And although Britain by her fleet, hath a check over our trade to Europe, we have as large a one over her trade to the West-Indies, which, by laying in the neighbourhood of the Continent, is entirely at its mercy.

122Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force in time ofpeace, if we should not judge it necessary to support a constant navy.If premiums were to be given to merchants, to build and employ in theirservice ships mounted with twenty, thirty, forty or fifty guns, (thepremiums to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the merchants)fifty or sixty of those ships, with a few guardships on constant duty,would keep up a sufficient navy, and that without burdening ourselveswith the evil so loudly complained of in England, of suffering theirfleet, in time of peace to lie rotting in the docks. To unite thesinews of commerce and defense is sound policy; for when our strengthand our riches play into each other’s hand, we need fear no externalenemy.

123In almost every article of defense we abound. Hemp flourishes even torankness, so that we need not want cordage. Our iron is superior tothat of other countries. Our small arms equal to any in the world.Cannon we can cast at pleasure. Saltpetre and gunpowder we are everyday producing. Our knowledge is hourly improving. Resolution is ourinherent character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us. Wherefore,what is it that we want? Why is it that we hesitate? From Britain wecan expect nothing but ruin. If she is once admitted to the governmentof America again, this Continent will not be worth living in.Jealousies will be always arising; insurrections will be constantlyhappening; and who will go forth to quell them? Who will venture hislife to reduce his own countrymen to a foreign obedience? Thedifference between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, respecting someunlocated lands, shews the insignificance of a British government, andfully proves, that nothing but Continental authority can regulateContinental matters.

124Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others, is,that the fewer our numbers are, the more land there is yet unoccupied,which instead of being lavished by the king on his worthlessdependants, may be hereafter applied, not only to the discharge of thepresent debt, but to the constant support of government. No nationunder heaven hath such an advantage as this.

125The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called, so far from beingagainst, is an argument in favour of independance. We are sufficientlynumerous, and were we more so, we might be less united. It is a matterworthy of observation, that the more a country is peopled, the smallertheir armies are. In military numbers, the ancients far exceeded themoderns: and the reason is evident. For trade being the consequence ofpopulation, men become too much absorbed thereby to attend to anythingelse. Commerce diminishes the spirit, both of patriotism and militarydefence. And history sufficiently informs us, that the bravestachievements were always accomplished in the non-age of a nation. Withthe increase of commerce, England hath lost its spirit. The city ofLondon, notwithstanding its numbers, submits to continued insults withthe patience of a coward. The more men have to lose, the less willingare they to venture. The rich are in general slaves to fear, andsubmit to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a Spaniel.

126Youth is the seed time of good habits, as well in nations as inindividuals. It might be difficult, if not impossible, to form theContinent into one government half a century hence. The vast varietyof interests, occasioned by an increase of trade and population, wouldcreate confusion. Colony would be against colony. Each being ablemight scorn each other’s assistance: and while the proud and foolish gloried in their little distinctions, the wise would lament, that the union had not been formed before. Wherefore, the present timeis the true timefor establishing it. The intimacy which is contracted in infancy, and the friendship which is formed in misfortune, are, of all others, the most lasting and unalterable. Our present union is marked with both these characters: we are young and we have been distressed; but our concord hath withstood our troubles, and fixes a memorable area for posterity to glory in.

127The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time, which never happensto a nation but once, viz. the time of forming itself into agovernment. Most nations have let slip the opportunity, and by thatmeans have been compelled to receive laws from their conquerors,instead of making laws for themselves. First, they had a king, andthen a form of government; whereas, the articles or charter ofgovernment, should be formed first, and men delegated to execute themafterward: but from the errors of other nations, let us learn wisdom,and lay hold of the present opportunity—To begin governmentat the right end.

128When William the Conqueror subdued England, he gave them law at thepoint of the sword; and until we consent, that the seat of government,in America, be legally and authoritatively occupied, we shall be indanger of having it filled by some fortunate ruffian, who may treat usin the same manner, and then, where will be our freedom? where ourproperty?

129As to religion, I hold it to be the indispensable duty ofall government, to protect all conscientious professors thereof, and Iknow of no other business which government hath to do therewith. Let aman throw aside that narrowness of soul, that selfishness of principle,which the niggards of all professions are so unwilling to part with,and he will be at once delivered of his fears on that head. Suspicion isthe companion of mean souls, and the bane of all good society. Formyself, I fully and conscientiously believe, that it is the will of theAlmighty, that there should be diversity of religious opinions amongus: It affords a larger field for our Christian kindness. Were we allof one way of thinking, our religious dispositions would want matterfor probation; and on this liberal principle, I look on the variousdenominations among us, to be like children of the same family,differing only, in what is called, their Christian names.

130In page forty,I threw out a few thoughts on the propriety of aContinental Charter, (for I only presume to offer hints, not plans) andin this place, I take the liberty of re-mentioning the subject, byobserving, that a charter is to be understood as a bond of solemnobligation, which the whole enters into, to support the right of everyseparate part, whether of religion, personal freedom, or property. Afirm bargain and a right reckoning make long friends.

131In a former pageI likewise mentioned the necessity of a large andequal representation; and there is no political matter which moredeserves our attention. A small number of electors, or a small numberof representatives, are equally dangerous. But if the number of therepresentatives be not only small, but unequal, the danger isincreased. As an instance of this, I mention the following; when theAssociators petition was before the House of Assembly of Pennsylvania;twenty-eight members only were present, all the Bucks county members,being eight, voted against it, and had seven of the Chester membersdone the same, this whole province had been governed by two countiesonly, and this danger it is always exposed to. The unwarrantablestretch likewise, which that house made in their last sitting, to gainan undue authority over the delegates of that province, ought to warnthe people at large, how they trust power out of their own hands. Aset of instructions for the Delegates were put together, which in pointof sense and business would have dishonoured a schoolboy, and afterbeing approved by a few, a very fewwithout doors, were carried into the House, and there passed in behalf of the whole colony; whereas, did the whole colony know, with what ill-will that House hath entered on some necessary public measures, they would not hesitate a moment to think them unworthy of such a trust.

132Immediate necessity makes many things convenient, which if continuedwould grow into oppressions. Expedience and right are differentthings. When the calamities of America required a consultation, therewas no method so ready, or at that time so proper, as to appointpersons from the several Houses of Assembly for that purpose; and thewisdom with which they have proceeded hath preserved this continentfrom ruin. But as it is more than probable that we shall never bewithout a Congress, every well wisher to good order, must own, that the mode for choosing members of that body, deserves consideration. And I put it as a question to those, who make a study of mankind, whether representation and electionis not too great a power for one and the same body of men to possess? When we are planning for posterity, we ought to remember, that virtue is not hereditary.

133It is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims, and arefrequently surprised into reason by their mistakes. Mr. Cornwall (oneof the Lords of the Treasury) treated the petition of the New-YorkAssembly with contempt, because thatHouse, he said, consisted but of twenty-six members, which trifling number, he argued, could not withdecency be put for the whole. We thank him for his involuntaryhonesty. ¹

¹ Those who would fully understand of what great consequence a largeand equal representation is to a state, should read Burgh’s political disquisitions.

134To Conclude, however strange it may appear to some, or however unwilling they may be to think so, matters not, but many strong and striking reasons may be given, to shew, that nothing can settle our affairs so expeditiously as an open and determined declaration for independance. Some of which are,

135First.—It is the custom of nations, when any two are at war, for some other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as mediators, and bring about the preliminaries of a peace: but while America calls herself the Subject of Great-Britain, no power, however well disposed she may be, can offer her mediation. Wherefore, in our present state we may quarrel on for ever.

136Secondly.—It is unreasonable to suppose, that France or Spain will give us any kind of assistance, if we mean only, to make use of that assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and strengthening the connection between Britain and America; because, those powers would be sufferers by the consequences.

137Thirdly.—While we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain, we must, in the eye of foreign nations, be considered as rebels. The precedent is somewhat dangerous to their peace, for men to be in arms under the name of subjects; we, on the spot, can solve the paradox: but to unite resistance and subjection, requires an idea much too refined for common understanding.

138Fourthly.—Were a manifesto to be published, and despatched to foreign courts, setting forth the miseries we have endured, and the peaceable methods we have ineffectually used for redress; declaring, at the same time, that not being able, any longer, to live happily or safely under the cruel disposition of the British court, we had been driven to thenecessity of breaking off all connections with her; at the same time,assuring all such courts of our peaceable disposition towards them, andof our desire of entering into trade with them: Such a memorial wouldproduce more good effects to this Continent, than if a ship werefreighted with petitions to Britain.

139Under our present denomination of British subjects, we can neither bereceived nor heard abroad: The custom of all courts is against us, andwill be so, until, by an independance, we take rank with other nations.

140These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but, likeall other steps which we have already passed over, will in a littletime become familiar and agreeable; and, until an independance isdeclared, the Continent will feel itself like a man who continuesputting off some unpleasant business from day to day, yet knows it mustbe done, hates to set about it, wishes it over, and is continuallyhaunted with the thoughts of its necessity.

APPENDIX.

Since the publication of the first edition of this pamphlet, or rather, on the same day on which it came out, the King’s Speech made its appearance in this city. Had the spirit of prophecy directed the birth of this production, it could not have brought it forth, at a more seasonable juncture, or a more necessary time. The bloody mindedness of the one, shew the necessity of pursuing the doctrine of the other. Men read by way of revenge. And the Speech, instead of terrifying, prepared a way for the manly principles of Independance.

142Ceremony, and even, silence, from whatever motive they may arise, havea hurtful tendency, when they give the least degree of countenance tobase and wicked performances; wherefore, if this maxim be admitted, itnaturally follows, that the King’s Speech, as being a piece of finished villainy, deserved, and still deserves, a general execration both by the Congress and the people. Yet, as the domestic tranquillity of a nation, depends greatly, on the chastityof what may properly be called national manners, it is often better, to pass some things over in silent disdain, than to make use of such new methods of dislike, as might introduce the least innovation, on that guardian of our peace and safety. And, perhaps, it is chiefly owing to this prudent delicacy, that the King’s Speech, hath not, before now, suffered a public execution. The Speech if it may be called one, is nothing better than a wilful audacious libel against the truth, the common good, and the existence of mankind; and is a formal and pompous method of offering up human sacrifices to the pride of tyrants. But this general massacre of mankind, is one of the privileges, and the certain consequence of Kings; for as nature knows them not, they know not her, and although they are beings of our owncreating, they know not us, and are become the gods of their creators. The Speech hath one good quality, which is, that itis not calculated to deceive, neither can we, even if we would, bedeceived by it. Brutality and tyranny appear on the face of it. Itleaves us at no loss: And every line convinces, even in the moment ofreading, that He, who hunts the woods for prey, the naked and untutoredIndian, is less a Savage than the King of Britain.

143Sir John Dalrymple, the putative father of a whining jesuitical piece,fallaciously called, “The Address of the people ofEngland to the inhabitants ofAmerica,” hath, perhaps, from a vain supposition, that the people herewere to be frightened at the pomp and description of a king, given, (though very unwisely on his part) the real character of the present one: “But” says this writer, “if you are inclined to pay compliments to an administration, which we do not complain of,”(meaning the Marquis of Rockingham’s at the repeal of the Stamp Act)“it is very unfair in you to withhold them from that prince, by whosenod alone they were permitted to do any thing.” This is toryism witha witness! Here is idolatry even without a mask: And he who can calmlyhear, and digest such doctrine, hath forfeited his claim to rationality—an apostate from the order of manhood; and ought to be considered—as one, who hath not only given up the proper dignity of man, but sunk himself beneath the rank of animals, and contemptibly crawls through the world like a worm.

144However, it matters very little now, what the king of England eithersays or does; he hath wickedly broken through every moral and humanobligation, trampled nature and conscience beneath his feet; and by asteady and constitutional spirit of insolence and cruelty, procured forhimself an universal hatred. It is nowthe interest of America to provide for herself. She hath already a large and young family, whom it is more her duty to take care of, than to be granting away her property, to support a power who is become a reproach to the names of men and christians—Ye, whose office it is to watch over the morals of a nation, of whatsoever sect or denomination ye are of, as well as ye, who are more immediately the guardians of the public liberty, if ye wish to preserve your native country uncontaminated by European corruption, ye must in secret wish a separation—But leaving the moral part to private reflection, I shall chiefly confine my farther remarks to the following heads.

145First. That it is the interest of America to be separated from Britain.

146Secondly. Which is the easiest and most practicable plan,reconciliation orindependance? with some occasional remarks.

147In support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper, produce theopinion of some of the ablest and most experienced men on thiscontinent; and whose sentiments, on that head, are not yet publiclyknown. It is in reality a self-evident position: For no nation in astate of foreign dependance, limited in its commerce, and cramped andfettered in its legislative powers, can ever arrive at any materialeminence. America doth not yet know what opulence is; and although theprogress which she hath made stands unparalleled in the history ofother nations, it is but childhood, compared with what she would becapable of arriving at, had she, as she ought to have, the legislativepowers in her own hands. England is, at this time, proudly covetingwhat would do her no good, were she to accomplish it; and the Continenthesitating on a matter, which will be her final ruin if neglected. Itis the commerce and not the conquest of America, by which England is tobe benefited, and that would in a great measure continue, were thecountries as independant of each other as France and Spain; because inmany articles, neither can go to a better market. But it is theindependance of this country of Britain or any other, which is now themain and only object worthy of contention, and which, like all othertruths discovered by necessity, will appear clearer and stronger everyday.

148First. Because it will come to that one time or other.

149Secondly. Because, the longer it is delayed the harder it will be toaccomplish.

150I have frequently amused myself both in public and private companies,with silently remarking, the specious errors of those who speak withoutreflecting. And among the many which I have heard, the following seemsthe most general, viz. that had this rupture happened forty or fiftyyears hence, instead of now, the Continent would have been more able to have shaken off the dependance. To which I reply, that our military ability, at this time, arises from the experience gained in the last war, and which in forty or fifty years time, would have been totally extinct. The Continent, would not, by that time, have had a General, or even a military officer left; and we, or those who may succeed us, would have been as ignorant of martial matters as the ancient Indians: And this single position, closely attended to, will unanswerably prove, that the present time is preferable to all others. The argument turns thus—at the conclusion of the last war, we had experience, but wanted numbers; and forty or fifty years hence, we should have numbers, without experience; wherefore, the proper point of time, must be some particular point between the two extremes, in which a sufficiency of the former remains, and a proper increase of the latter is obtained: And that point of time is the present time.

151The reader will pardon this digression, as it does not properly comeunder the head I first set out with, and to which I again return by thefollowing position, viz.

152Should affairs be patched up with Britain, and she to remain thegoverning and sovereign power of America, (which, as matters are nowcircumstanced, is giving up the point intirely) we shall depriveourselves of the very means of sinking the debt we have, or maycontract. The value of the back lands which some of the provinces areclandestinely deprived of, by the unjust extention of the limits ofCanada, valued only at five pounds sterling per hundred acres, amountto upwards of twenty-five millions, Pennsylvania currency; and thequit-rents at one penny sterling per acre, to two millions yearly.

153It is by the sale of those lands that the debt may be sunk, withoutburthen to any, and the quit-rent reserved thereon, will always lessen,and in time, will wholly support the yearly expence of government. Itmatters not how long the debt is in paying, so that the lands when soldbe applied to the discharge of it, and for the execution of which, theCongress for the time being, will be the continental trustees.

154I proceed now to the second head, viz. Which is the easiest and mostpracticable plan, reconciliation or independance; with some occasionalremarks.

155He who takes nature for his guide is not easily beaten out of hisargument, and on that ground, I answer generally—Thatindependance being asingle simple line, contained withinourselves; and reconciliation, a matter exceedingly perplexed andcomplicated, and in which, a treacherous capricious court is to interfere, gives the answer without a doubt.

156The present state of America is truly alarming to every man who iscapable of reflexion. Without law, without government, without anyother mode of power than what is founded on, and granted by courtesy.Held together by an unexampled concurrence of sentiment, which, isnevertheless subject to change, and which every secret enemy isendeavouring to dissolve. Our present condition, is, Legislationwithout law; wisdom without a plan; constitution without a name; and,what is strangely astonishing, perfect Independance contending fordependance. The instance is without a precedent; the case neverexisted before; and who can tell what may be the event? The propertyof no man is secure in the present unbraced system of things. The mindof the multitude is left at random, and seeing no fixed object beforethem, they pursue such as fancy or opinion starts. Nothing iscriminal; there is no such thing as treason; wherefore, every onethinks himself at liberty to act as he pleases. The Tories dared nothave assembled offensively, had they known that their lives, by thatact, were forfeited to the laws of the state. A line of distinctionshould be drawn, between, English soldiers taken in battle, andinhabitants of America taken in arms. The first are prisoners, but thelatter traitors. The one forfeits his liberty, the other his head.

157Notwithstanding our wisdom, there is a visible feebleness in some ofour proceedings which gives encouragement to dissensions. TheContinental Belt is too loosely buckled. And if something is not donein time, it will be too late to do any thing, and we shall fall into astate, in which, neither Reconciliationnor Independancewill be practicable. The king and his worthless adherents are got at their old game of dividing the Continent, and there are not wanting among us, Printers, who will be busy in spreading specious falsehoods. The artful and hypocritical letter which appeared a few months ago in twoof the New-York papers, and likewise in two others, is an evidence thatthere are men who want either judgment or honesty.

158It is easy getting into holes and corners and talking ofreconciliation: But do such men seriously consider, how difficult thetask is, and how dangerous it may prove, should the Continent dividethereon. Do they take within their view, all the various orders of menwhose situation and circumstances, as well as their own, are to beconsidered therein. Do they put themselves in the place of thesufferer whose allis alreadygone, and of the soldier, who hath quitted allfor the defence of his country. If their ill judged moderation be suited to their own private situations only, regardless of others, the event will convince them, that “they are reckoning without their Host.”

159Put us, say some, on the footing we were on in sixty-three: To which Ianswer, the request is not nowin the power of Britain to comply with, neither will she propose it; but if it were, and even should be granted, I ask, as a reasonable question, By what means is such acorrupt and faithless court to be kept to its engagements? Anotherparliament, nay, even the present, may hereafter repeal the obligation,on the pretence, of its being violently obtained, or unwisely granted;and in that case, Where is our redress?—No going to law with nations;cannon are the barristers of Crowns; and the sword, not of justice, butof war, decides the suit. To be on the footing of sixty-three, it isnot sufficient, that the laws only be put on the same state, but, thatour circumstances, likewise, be put on the same state; Our burnt anddestroyed towns repaired or built up, our private losses made good, ourpublic debts (contracted for defence) discharged; otherwise, we shallbe millions worse than we were at that enviable period. Such arequest, had it been complied with a year ago, would have won the heartand soul of the Continent—but now it is too late, “The Rubicon is passed.”

160Besides, the taking up arms, merely to enforce the repeal of apecuniary law, seems as unwarrantable by the divine law, and asrepugnant to human feelings, as the taking up arms to enforce obediencethereto. The object, on either side, doth not justify the means; forthe lives of men are too valuable to be cast away on such trifles. Itis the violence which is done and threatened to our persons; thedestruction of our property by an armed force; the invasion of ourcountry by fire and sword, which conscientiously qualifies the use ofarms: And the instant, in which such a mode of defence becamenecessary, all subjection to Britain ought to have ceased; and theindependancy of America, should have been considered, as dating itsæra from, and published by, the first musket that was fired against her. This line is a line of consistency; neither drawn by caprice, nor extended by ambition; but produced by a chain of events, of which the colonies were not the authors.

161I shall conclude these remarks, with the following timely and wellintended hints. We ought to reflect, that there are three differentways, by which an independancy may hereafter be effected; and that oneof those three, will one day or other, be the fate of America, viz. By the legal voice of the people in Congress; by a military power; or by a mob: It may not always happen that our soldiers are citizens, and the multitude a body of reasonable men; virtue, as I have already remarked, is not hereditary, neither is it perpetual. Should an independancy be brought about by the first of those means, we have every opportunity and every encouragement before us, to form the noblest purest constitution on the face of the earth. We have it in our power to begin the world over again. A situation, similar to the present, hath not happened since the days of Noah until now. The birthday of a new world is at hand, and a race of men, perhaps as numerous as all Europe contains, are to receive their portion of freedom from the event of a few months. The Reflexion is awful—and in this point of view, How trifling, how ridiculous, do the little, paltry cavellings, of a few weak or interested men appear, when weighed against the business of a world.

162Should we neglect the present favorable and inviting period, and anIndependance be hereafter effected by any other means, we must chargethe consequence to ourselves, or to those rather, whose narrow andprejudiced souls, are habitually opposing the measure, without eitherinquiring or reflecting. There are reasons to be given in support ofIndependance, which men should rather privately think of, than bepublicly told of. We ought not now to be debating whether we shall beindependant or not, but, anxious to accomplish it on a firm, secure,and honorable basis, and uneasy rather that it is not yet began upon.Every day convinces us of its necessity. Even the Tories (if suchbeings yet remain among us) should, of all men, be the most solicitousto promote it; for, as the appointment of committees at first,protected them from popular rage, so, a wise and well established formof government, will be the only certain means of continuing it securelyto them. Wherefore, if they have not virtue enough to be Whigs, they ought to have prudence enough to wish for Independance.

163In short, Independance is the only Bond that can tye and keep us together. We shall then see our object, and our ears will be legally shut against the schemes of an intriguing, as well, as a cruel enemy. We shall then too, be on a proper footing, to treat with Britain; for there is reason to conclude, that the pride of that court, will be less hurt by treating with the American states for terms of peace, than with those, whom she denominates, “rebellious subjects,” for terms of accommodation. It is our delaying it that encourages her to hope for conquest, and our backwardness tends only to prolong the war. As we have, without any good effect therefrom, withheld our trade to obtain a redress of our grievances, let us nowtry the alternative, by independantlyredressing them ourselves, and then offering to open the trade. The mercantile and reasonable part in England, will be still with us; because, peace withtrade, is preferable to war withoutit. And if this offer be not accepted, other courts may be applied to.

164On these grounds I rest the matter. And as no offer hath yet been madeto refute the doctrine contained in the former editions of thispamphlet, it is a negative proof, that either the doctrine cannot berefuted, or, that the party in favour of it are too numerous to beopposed. Wherefore, instead of gazing at each other with suspicious or doubtful curiosity; let each of us, hold out to his neighbour the hearty hand of friendship, and unite in drawing a line, which, like an act of oblivion shall bury in forgetfulness every former dissension. Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let none other be heard among us, than those of a good citizen, an openand resolute friend, and a virtuous supporter of therights ofmankind and of theFREE ANDINDEPENDANT STATES OF AMERICA.

165To the Representatives of the Religious Society of the People called Quakers, or to so many of them as were concerned in publishing the latepiece, entitled“The Ancient Testimonyand Principles of the People called Quakersrenewed, with Respect to the King and Government, and touching the Commotions now prevailing in these and other parts of America addressed to the People in General.”

166The Writer of this, is one of those few, who never dishonours religioneither by ridiculing, or cavilling at any denomination whatsoever. ToGod, and not to man, are all men accountable on the score of religion.Wherefore, this epistle is not so properly addressed to you as areligious, but as a political body, dabbling in matters, which theprofessed Quietude of your Principles instruct you not to meddle with.

167As you have, without a proper authority for so doing, put yourselves inthe place of the whole body of the Quakers, so, the writer of this, inorder to be on an equal rank with yourselves, is under the necessity,of putting himself in the place of all those, who, approve the verywritings and principles, against which your testimony is directed:And he hath chosen this singular situation, in order, that you mightdiscover in him that presumption of character which you cannot see inyourselves. For neither he nor you can have any claim or title toPolitical Representation.

168When men have departed from the right way, it is no wonder that theystumble and fall. And it is evident from the manner in which ye havemanaged your testimony, that politics, (as a religious body of men) isnot your proper Walk; for however well adapted it might appear to you,it is, nevertheless, a jumble of good and bad put unwisely together,and the conclusion drawn therefrom, both unnatural and unjust.

169The two first pages, (and the whole doth not make four) we give youcredit for, and expect the same civility from you, because the love anddesire of peace is not confined to Quakerism, it is the natural, aswell the religious wish of all denominations of men. And on thisground, as men labouring to establish an Independant Constitution ofour own, do we exceed all others in our hope, end, and aim. Ourplan is peace for ever.We are tired of contention with Britain, and can see no real end to it but in a final separation. We act consistently, because for the sake of introducing an endless and uninterrupted peace, do we bear the evils and burthens of the present day. We are endeavoring, and will steadily continue to endeavour, to separate and dissolve a connexion which hath already filled our land with blood; and which, while the name of it remains, will be the fatal cause of future mischiefs to both countries.

170We fight neither for revenge nor conquest; neither from pride norpassion; we are not insulting the world with our fleets and armies, norravaging the globe for plunder. Beneath the shade of our own vines arewe attacked; in our own houses, and on our own lands, is the violencecommitted against us. We view our enemies in the character ofHighwaymen and Housebreakers, and having no defence for ourselves inthe civil law, are obliged to punish them by the military one, andapply the sword, in the very case, where you have before now, appliedthe halter—Perhaps we feel for the ruined and insulted sufferers inall and every part of the continent, with a degree of tenderness whichhath not yet made its way into some of your bosoms. But be ye surethat ye mistake not the cause and ground of your Testimony. Call notcoldness of soul, religion; nor put the Bigotin the place of the Christian.

171O ye partial ministers of your own acknowledged principles. If thebearing arms be sinful, the first going to war must be more so, by allthe difference between wilful attack and unavoidable defence.Wherefore, if ye really preach from conscience, and mean not to make apolitical hobby-horse of your religion, convince the world thereof, byproclaiming your doctrine to our enemies, for they likewise beararms. Give us proof of your sincerity by publishing it at St. James’s, to the commanders in chief at Boston, to the Admirals and Captains who are piratically ravaging our coasts, and to all the murdering miscreants who are acting in authority under him whom ye profess to serve. Had ye the honest soul of Barclay¹ ye would preach repentance to yourking; Ye would tell the Royal Wretch his sins, and warn him of eternal ruin. Ye would not spend your partial invectives against the injured and the insulted only, but, like faithful ministers, would cry aloud and spare none. Say not that ye are persecuted, neither endeavour to make us the authors of that reproach, which, ye are bringing upon yourselves; for we testify unto all men, that we do not complain against you because ye are Quakers, but because ye pretend to beand are not Quakers.

172¹“Thou hast tasted of prosperity and adversity; thou knowest what it is to be banished thy native country, to be over-ruled as well as torule, and set upon the throne; and being oppressedthou hast reason to know how hatefulthe oppressoris both to God and man: If after all these warnings and advertisements, thou dost not turn unto the Lord with all thy heart, but forget him who remembered thee in thy distress, and give up thyself to follow lust and vanity, surely great will be thy condemnation.—Against which snare, as well as the temptation of those who may or do feed thee, and prompt thee to evil, the most excellent and prevalent remedy will be, to apply thyself to that light of Christ which shineth in thy conscience, and which neither can, nor will flatter thee, nor suffer thee to be at ease in thy sins.”

—Barclay’s address to Charles II.

173Alas! it seems by the particular tendency of some part of yourtestimony, and other parts of your conduct, as if, all sin was reducedto, and comprehended in, the act of bearing arms, and that by the peopleonly. Ye appear to us, to have mistaken party for conscience; because, the general tenor of your actions wants uniformity:And it is exceedingly difficult to us to give credit to many of your pretended scruples; because, we see them made by the same men, who, in the very instant that they are exclaiming against the mammon of this world, are nevertheless, hunting after it with a step as steady as Time, and an appetite as keen as Death.

174The quotation which ye have made from Proverbs, in the third page ofyour testimony, that, “when a man’s ways please the Lord, he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him”; is very unwisely chosen on your part; because, it amounts to a proof, that the king’s ways (whom ye are desirous of supporting) do notplease the Lord, otherwise, his reign would be in peace.

175I now proceed to the latter part of your testimony, and that, for whichall the foregoing seems only an introduction, viz.

176“It hath ever been our judgment and principle, since we were called toprofess the light of Christ Jesus, manifested in our consciences untothis day, that the setting up and putting down kings and governments,is God’s peculiar prerogative; for causes best known to himself: Andthat it is not our business to have any hand or contrivance therein;nor to be busy bodies above our station, much less to plot and contrivethe ruin, or overturn of any of them, but to pray for the king, andsafety of our nation, and good of all men: That we may live a peaceableand quiet life, in all godliness and honesty; under the governmentwhich God is pleased to set over us.”—If these are reallyyour principles why do ye not abide by them? Why do ye not leave that, which ye call God’s Work, to be managed by himself? These very principles instruct you to wait with patience and humility, for the event of all public measures, and to receive that eventas the divine will towards you. Wherefore, what occasion is there for your political testimonyif you fully believe what it contains: And the very publishing it proves, that either, ye do not believe what ye profess, or have not virtue enough to practise what ye believe.

177The principles of Quakerism have a direct tendency to make a man thequiet and inoffensive subject of any, and every government whichis set over him. And if the setting up and putting down of kings andgovernments is God’s peculiar prerogative, he most certainly will notbe robbed thereof by us; wherefore, the principle itself leads you toapprove of every thing, which ever happened, or may happen to kings asbeing his work. Oliver Cromwell thanks you. Charles, then, died not by the hands of man; and should the present Proud Imitator of him, come to the same untimely end, the writers and publishers of the Testimony, are bound, by the doctrine it contains, to applaud the fact. Kings are not taken away by miracles, neither are changes in governments brought about by any other means than such as are common and human; and such as we are now using. Even the dispersion of the Jews, though foretold by our Saviour, was effected by arms. Wherefore, as ye refuse to be the means on one side, ye ought not to be meddlers on the other; but to wait the issue in silence; and unless ye can produce divine authority, to prove, that the Almighty who hath created and placed this newworld,at the greatest distance it could possibly stand, east and west, fromevery part of the old, doth, nevertheless, disapprove of its beingindependant of the corrupt and abandoned court of Britain, unless Isay, ye can shew this, how can ye on the ground of your principles,justify the exciting and stirring up the people “firmly to unite in theabhorrenceof all such writings, and measures, as evidence a desire and design to break off the happyconnexion we have hitherto enjoyed, with the kingdom of Great-Britain, and our just and necessary subordination to the king, and those who are lawfully placed in authority under him.” What a slap of the face is here! the men, who in the very paragraph before, have quietly and passively resigned up the ordering, altering, and disposal of kings and governments, into the hands of God, are now, recalling their principles, and putting in for a share of the business. Is it possible, that the conclusion, which is here justly quoted, can any ways follow from the doctrine laid down? The inconsistency is too glaring not to be seen; the absurdity too great not to be laughed at;and such as could only have been made by those, whose understandingswere darkened by the narrow and crabby spirit of a despairing politicalparty; for ye are not to be considered as the whole body of the Quakersbut only as a factional and fractional part thereof.

178Here ends the examination of your testimony; (which I call upon no manto abhor, as ye have done, but only to read and judge of fairly;) towhich I subjoin the following remark; “That the setting up and puttingdown of kings,” most certainly mean, the making him a king, who is yetnot so, and the making him no king who is already one. And pray whathath this to do in the present case? We neither mean to set upnor to put down, neither to makenor to unmake, but to have nothing to dowith them. Wherefore, your testimony in whatever light it is viewed serves only to dishonor your judgement, and for many other reasons had better have been let alone than published.

179First, Because it tends to the decrease and reproach of all religionwhatever, and is of the utmost danger to society, to make it a party inpolitical disputes.

180Secondly, Because it exhibits a body of men, numbers of whom disavowthe publishing political testimonies, as being concerned therein andapprovers thereof.

181Thirdly, Because it hath a tendency to undo that continental harmonyand friendship which yourselves by your late liberal and charitabledonations hath lent a hand to establish; and the preservation of which,is of the utmost consequence to us all.

182And here without anger or resentment I bid you farewell. Sincerelywishing, that as men and christians, ye may always fully anduninterruptedly enjoy every civil and religious right; and be, in yourturn, the means of securing it to others; but that the example which yehave unwisely set, of mingling religion with politics, may be disavowed and reprobated by every inhabitant ofAmerica.

F  I  N  I  S.

On Common Sense

“No writer has exceeded Paine in ease and familiarity of style, in perspicuity of expression, happiness of elucidation, and in simple and unassuming language.”

Thomas Jefferson

“A pamphlet called ‘Commonsense’ makes a great noise. One of the vilest things that ever was published to the world. Full of false representations, lies, calumny, and treason, whose principles are to subvert all Kingly Governments and erect an Independent Republic.”

Nicholas Cresswell

“I dreaded the effect so popular a pamphlet might have among the people, and determined to do all in my Power to counteract the effect of it.”

John Adams

“Its effects were sudden and extensive upon the American mind. It was read by public men.”

Dr. Benjamin Rush

“Have you read the pamphlet Common Sense? I never saw such a masterful performance.… In short, I own myself convinced, by the arguments, of the necessity of separation.”

General Charles Lee

Transcriber's Notes

This production of the Bradford edition of Common Sense retains the original characteristics of the document—the author's use of capitalization (large and small), spelling, and italics.

The page numbers of this version of the book were my invention, for ease in reading the HTML document. The page numbers can more accurately be called paragraph numbers. They match the paragraph numbers in the edited text of ‘Common Sense’ from the National Humanities Center.

In one case, the text refers to page forty (see our Page 130). We provided a link to the appropriate part of our document but retained the page number specified by Paine. Our page numbers are not carried over to the Kindle, E-PUB, and text documents produced by Project Gutenberg.

The section "On Common Sense," containing quotes about Common Sense, have been added by this transcriber.

Related articles